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Proportional Representation
Society of Australia Inc. |
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Tel +61429176725 |
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Proportional
Representation: Its definition and the
superiority of |
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Dictionary
Definition: Proportional representation is a generic
term, and it does not refer to a precise method of
implementing the philosophy it denotes. The
Macquarie Dictionary definition (... a system of
electing representatives to a legislative
assembly in which there are a number of members
representing any one electorate. The number of
successful candidates from each party is
directly proportional to the percentage of the
total vote won by the party. Compare
first-past-the-post, preferential voting.) is useful, although it
confuses the matter by contrasting
proportional representation with preferential
voting, despite the fact that all the proportional
representation systems in Australia are
preferential voting systems, as explained below. The
Compact Oxford Dictionary definition of proportional
representation is "... an
electoral system in which parties gain seats in
proportion to the number of votes cast for
them". That
definition refers to "parties" but, like that of
the Macquarie Dictionary, not specifically to
"political parties", and it is important to note
that certain types of proportional representation
system operate on the basis of party groupings,
yet others are as free from that basis as any
other electoral system can be. Proportional
representation can only ever be approximately
proportional: The wasted
near-quota in single-member single transferable
vote (STV) systems, as used for Lower House
elections in all five of Australia's mainland
States, is just under an enormous 50% of all
votes cast, but with PR-STV, and a
district
magnitude as large as nine seats, the wasted
near-quota is below 10%. The size of the wasted near-quota
is inversely proportional to one more than
the number of positions to be filled, so the
wasted near-quota rapidly diminishes as the
number of seats increases. District magnitudes above nine are not
normally recommended. The classic law
of diminishing returns means that high
district magnitudes attract a bewildering
array of obscure candidates, with their names
on exessively large and cluttered ballot
papers, but with very little reduction in the
wasted near-quota. The only way that the
percentage of persons elected to an elected body
can be guaranteed to correspond EXACTLY
with the percentage of votes of those electing
them is if the elected body is identical to the
entire body of voters, which is obviously
impractical. There
is necessarily a wasted near-quota of votes that
elects nobody when the Droop
quota is used, but use of the earlier, and
now superseded, Hare
quota simply concealed
that reality. Party
List systems impose an arbitrary exclusionary threshold
of votes below which parties are artificially
prevented from winning any seats. Numerous small
parties can be in that position, and with no
provision for voters to indicate other candidates
or parties that they want their votes transferred
to if they are initially insufficient to elect a
candidate, those parties' collective percentage of
votes - which can easily be larger than PR-STV's
wasted near-quota - is simply wasted. Definition
of PR using the single transferable vote: Proportional representation using the
single transferable vote (PR-STV) is
an electoral system that has multi-member
electorates in which the percentage of the total
votes in each electorate that is required to elect
each successful candidate (after any
distribution of preferences of surplus votes or
votes of candidates excluded during the count)
is as close as practicable to the percentage that
each member is of the total number of members
representing that electorate. That percentage, the
quota, is set such that the residue of votes after
all quotas have been used to elect the prescribed
number of candidates is just below a quota. PR-STV versus party list PR: The two major
groupings of PR world-wide
are:
Proportional
Representation Society of Australia Inc. advocates
using single transferable vote PR systems, which is
the broad basis of the system that Victoria's Local
Government Act 2020 prescribes for elections
in multi-councillor electoral districts. It opposes
the use of party list systems, or even quasi
party list systems, such as those now used for the
City of Melbourne and for NSW local government,
which employ the above-the-line and below-the-line
device imposed on the Senate electoral system until
2016. The PRSA seeks to have direct election
of all councillors prescribed, without any Group Voting Tickets
or other party-based device, as applies for all
Tasmanian and South Australian local government
elections. Party list
systems were originally implemented when the South
Australian Legislative Council and the A.C.T. Legislative Assembly
each first used PR, but in both cases public opinion
rejected them and their
inescapable character of placing the real power of
deciding the people to be elected in the hands of
political parties, which alone decide who will be on
the lists, and the order they will appear on them,
so they were replaced by PR-STV (quota-preferential)
systems. Need for Countback and Robson
Rotation: The PRSA's letter to Victoria's municipal councils
of 21st August 2003 urged them to call on the State
Government to introduce the important additional
features of countback and Robson Rotation,
which greatly enhance the Hare-Clark PR-STV
systems used in Tasmania and the Australian Capital
Territory for the elections of their legislatures
and municipal councillors, but are absent in New
South Wales and South Australia. A good background to
the use of PR-STV (quota-preferential PR) is the
history page
on the PRSA website. The local
government aspects are distinguished by being
displayed in green text there. |